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[Dunia]
Bangkok dibom, berpuluh disahkan mati
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Author |
Post time 18-8-2015 09:43 PM
From the mobile phone
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MissNigga replied at 18-8-2015 09:40 PM
aciannya ... pergi bertujuh .. balik bertiga jer ....
Tu la! Bini yg terselamat tu khabarnya mengandung 5 bulan. |
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sapa ler dalang ...?jarang tol negara negara asia tenggara dijadikan target oleh pengganas pengganas nie ....
kalo kat Thai lak .. mostly kat belah belah selatan ... tapi jarang tol Bangkok dijadikan sasaran ...
adakah dalangnya golongan separatist dari wilayah wilayah selatan Thai?
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Author |
Post time 18-8-2015 09:55 PM
From the mobile phone
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MissNigga replied at 18-8-2015 09:49 PM
sapa ler dalang ...?jarang tol negara negara asia tenggara dijadikan target oleh pengganas penggan ...
Ntah le siapa yg buat. Manila dgn Jakarta dah penah kena. Jgn la lepas ni Bangkok pun mcm Manila dgn Jakarta, kita ke mana je kena seluk beg, anjing hidu, check badan, lalu metal detector bagai. Setiap kereta nak masuk ke mana2 kompleks bangunan kena check luar dalam dan bawah kereta takut ada bom. |
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i see...got you
tapi yg mangsa ialah may be the expendable : puak selatan thailand lah kan apa lagi kalau dikaitkan dengan islam
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sama babi macam muka di avatar sis itu.
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kat siam memang nak masuk mall ada metal detector ala jakarta.
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Sgt2 benci bom2 yg melibatkan org awam, kanak2. Ak sbnr nye teringin g bangkok.moga pelaku mendapat balasan.ko nk bom, g la bom org jahat, org xde kena mengena di bom pulak  : |
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Author |
Post time 18-8-2015 10:53 PM
From the mobile phone
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Changa replied at 18-8-2015 10:27 PM
kat siam memang nak masuk mall ada metal detector ala jakarta.
Bukan semua malls ada, terutama masa saya tinggal sekejap di Bangkok sebelum 2007 dulu. Tak heran juga kalau skrg makin ketat kawalannya. Hujung tahun ada meeting di sana. Risau pulak. |
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It becomes a nightmare
RI issues travel advice after Bangkok blast
Foreign Ministry issued travel advice
on Tuesday afternoon for all
Indonesian people wishing to travel
to Thailand, following a bomb
explosion in its capital city, Bangkok.
“We have issued travel advice so
that Indonesian people planning to
travel to Thailand remain cautious,”
Foreign Minister Retno L.P. Marsudi
said, as quoted by Antara news
agency.
The Indonesian Embassy in Thailand,
Retno said, had called on Indonesian
citizens in Thailand to remain
vigilant when visiting public spaces,
which were prone to attacks.
http://m.thejakartapost.com/news ... -bangkok-blast.html |
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terbaca kat muka buku ... kejadian letopan bomb ketiga dilaporkan berlaku kat Bangkok ....  |
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Edited by amansihat at 18-8-2015 11:40 PM
World | Wed Jun 4, 2014 10:46am EDT Related: WORLD, CHINA, AUSTRALIA, THAILAND
Thai junta claims support from China, Vietnam amid Western unease
BANGKOK | BY AMY SAWITTA LEFEVRE AND PRACHA HARIRAKSAPITAK
lina and Vietnam have expressed support for Thailand's new military government, an army spokesman said on Wednesday, as pro-army supporters held a small gathering at the Australian Embassy in protest against downgrading of relations after last month's coup.
Several foreign governments have voiced disapproval of the coup, which saw General Prayuth Chan-ocha take power after months of political unrest that undermined the government of Yingluck Shinawatra.
"China's and Vietnam's ambassadors to Thailand met Supreme Commander General Thanasak Patimaprakorn yesterday and assured us that they still have a good relationship with Thailand and that they hope the situation will return to normal quickly," Yongyuth Mayalarp, a spokesman for the military's National Council for Peace and Order, told reporters.
Myanmar's foreign affairs ministry said it recognised Thailand's new military rulers.
"Thailand is a sovereign state and the military government has been endorsed by their king," Aung Linn, a director-general at Myanmar's foreign affairs ministry, told Reuters on Wednesday.
"Of course we do recognise them."
China's foreign ministry had no immediate response to the report.
The United States scrapped joint military programmes with Thailand days after the May 22 coup while the European Union has urged the military to free political detainees and end censorship.
Australia downgraded its ties with Thailand on Saturday, imposed a travel ban on junta leaders and cut defence cooperation, the toughest measures taken by a foreign government since the change of regime.
A handful of pro-military demonstrators gathered outside the Australian Embassy on Wednesday to protest against what they see as foreign meddling in Thailand's internal affairs. Some handed roses to police guarding the embassy.
The coup was the latest convulsion in a decade-long conflict between the Bangkok-based royalist establishment, dominated by the military, old-money families and the bureaucracy, and supporters of Yingluck and her brother, Thaksin Shinawatra, who are adored by the poor in the north and northeast.
"FRIENDS NOT FOES"
The army is determined to silence dissent and has summoned around 300 activists, journalists, academics and politicians since taking power two weeks ago.
Many have been detained for varying periods of time and, in order to be released, have had to sign statements that they will step away from politics and halt anti-coup activities.
The junta has deployed thousands of security forces across the country to search for weapons in a bid to crack down on armed groups on both sides of the political divide. It has ordered Thais who have "war weapons", including explosives and grenade launchers, to hand them in before June 10.
The order did not include registered handguns. On a per capita basis, Thailand has more guns than most countries in the world.
However, the country in general has remained calm since the bloodless coup. There is little military presence on the streets and resistance to military rule has so far been peaceful.
In May, Thailand's consumer confidence index hit its highest level since January on hopes the military can bring the economy back from the brink of recession. The economy shrank 2.1 percent in the first quarter as political turmoil depressed demand.
The junta lifted a curfew on Tuesday in the resorts of Pattaya, Phuket and Samui, in order to "relieve areas that are peaceful and free from political protests" and to support Thailand's vital tourism sector.
The midnight to 4 a.m. curfew has not been lifted in Bangkok but the junta seems determined to win over hearts and minds in the capital.
Supporters of the military are trying to hijack a gesture used by demonstrators opposed to the coup, saying the three-fingered salute signifies the ills of the deposed government, and not resistance to the takeover.
The salute, inspired by the hit film "The Hunger Games", has been flashed as a symbol of defiance at street protests in Bangkok since the weekend. The military has warned demonstrators against making the salute.
Security forces detained at least seven people who joined flash mob protests over the weekend and held up three fingers against the junta, according to the ruling National Council for Peace and Order.
"We are monitoring those who use this signal but have no plans to ban it yet," deputy army spokesman Winthai Suvaree told Reuters.
"But if there are gatherings of five people or more doing this salute, then we will make arrests in some cases."
In its latest charm offensive, the army is putting on a concert on Wednesday evening at Victory Monument, one of Bangkok's busiest junctions and briefly the focus of protests after the coup.
"We want to show the public that the military is here to protect the people and will do its utmost to ensure stability," Winthai said. "Soldiers are friends not foes."
(Additional reporting by Panarat Thepgumpanat, Erik de Castro in BANGKOK and Aung Hla T |
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Thai junta bristles at U.S. criticism of impeachment, crackdown on dissent
AP
JAN 31, 2015
ARTICLE HISTORY
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BANGKOK – When Thailand’s military junta sensed it was being criticized this past week, the country’s rulers reacted as they always do: by issuing stern warnings and summoning those responsible for talks army leaders like to refer to as “attitude adjustments.”
But this time, those called to explain themselves were not just domestic opponents of last year’s coup. They included the U.S. charge d’affaires, who was asked to clarify a speech by a visiting senior U.S. diplomat in which he urged an end to martial law and suggested that the impeachment of ousted former Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra on Jan. 23 was politically motivated.
The comments Monday by Daniel Russel, the assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, triggered a predictable backlash of anti-American sentiment from the junta and its supporters. They denounced what they saw as unwanted interference in Thai affairs and bombarded the U.S. Embassy’s Facebook page with messages like “Yankees go home. It’s none of your business.”
The political spat has laid bare the delicate path Thailand’s leaders have been trying to navigate since toppling a democratically elected government in May, both by keeping a lid on dissent at home and by maintaining good relations with foreign allies.
Although Thai officials are well aware of Washington’s opposition to their seizure of power, Russel’s comments appear to have taken them by surprise.
In a speech to students at Chulalongkorn University, Russel spoke mostly about the importance of the 182-year-old Thai-American alliance and stressed that Washington would not take sides in Thai politics.
But over the course of a couple of short minutes, he bemoaned junta-imposed constraints on freedom of expression, which have crushed open political debate, and called for an end to martial law, which the army imposed just before seizing power.
He then brought up Yingluck’s impeachment by the military-appointed legislature for her role in overseeing a money-losing rice subsidy program.
“I’ll be blunt here,” Russel said. “When an elected leader is deposed, impeached by the authorities that implemented the coup, and then targeted with criminal charges while basic democratic processes and institutions are interrupted, the international community is left with the impression that these steps could be politically driven.”
Thitinan Pongsudhirak, director of Chulalongkorn University’s Institute of Security and International Studies, which hosted Russel, said the junta viewed the Yingluck remark in particular as an open attempt to interfere in the country’s politics and legal system. “That’s why they’re angry. They want the international community’s recognition, and the U.S. is a big part of that,” Thitinan said. Ultimately, he said, the junta wants “approval, not criticism.”
Russel, the most senior American official to visit Thailand since the coup, pointedly avoided meeting military ruler-turned Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, holding talks instead with his foreign minister, other pro-junta politicians and Yingluck.
After the speech, the junta summoned U.S. Charge d’Affaires W. Patrick Murphy, currently the most senior American diplomat stationed in Bangkok, to explain their displeasure. Deputy Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai said Russel’s comments had “hurt” many Thais.
Prayuth also scolded Washington, saying the U.S. doesn’t “understand the way we work.”
He said, “Our way of life, our political leaders are not like theirs.”
Despite the bluster, Prayuth acknowledged the need to maintain good relations and move on. Bilateral relations “still exist,” he said. “Trading and investment is still going on. Companies … still come to trade with us.”
Bilateral trade between Thailand and the U.S. alone has averaged more than $40 billion in recent years, with Thailand exporting everything from tuna to rubber to jewelry to America.
Overwhelmed for more than a decade by wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and anxious over the rising power of China, Washington considers Thailand a relatively stable ally that it can’t afford to lose. Although the U.S. suspended $4.7 million in military assistance after the coup, it has done little else to punish the Southeast Asian nation.
And despite speculation that U.S.-led regional Cobra Gold military exercises could be canceled, the annual Thai-hosted training program is going ahead in February, albeit scaled down, with no large live-fire exercises, and focusing on humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.
“It’s our oldest ally in the region,” said Doug Paal, who served as White House director of Asian affairs in the Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations. “We … potentially in the future will need to rely on access to Thailand for military operations in various contingencies. We also have deep economic and political ties with the Thai.”
“The new condition on this relationship is that we are in a kind of competition with China for influence. Thailand is geographically central and consequential to the region. As it falls more and more under China’s influence, the direction of ASEAN as a stabilizing organization of friendly states will be put at risk,” said Paal, referring to the 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
Thailand has been shifting closer to China for years, and that relationship appears to have grown stronger since the coup. Since October alone, Prayuth has met Chinese Premier Li Keqiang five times, including during a December visit to Beijing. The two governments have signed key deals, including a train project to be built in Thailand. By contrast, Prayuth has met President Barack Obama once, on the sidelines of a regional summit.
China is Thailand’s leading trading partner — followed by Japan, then America — with business between the two nations estimated at around $65 billion per year, according to the Thai Commerce Ministry.
Although one opinion piece in the conservative English-language The Nation newspaper suggested that “Thailand and the U.S. should go their separate ways,” Thitinan said nothing is likely to change in Thailand’s relationship with Washington.
Russel’s speech appears to have emboldened several members of the ousted former ruling party, who have spoken up or criticized the junta in different ways in the last few days.
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China is a big winner from Thailand’s coup
18 June 2014
Author: Patrick Jory, University of Queensland
While the recent military coup in Thailand has drawn much of the world’s attention to the military junta’s suppression of democracy and human rights, it also has far-reaching geopolitical implications for the whole of Southeast Asia.
Thai people are allowed to pose with riot and special forces soldiers at a Bring Back Happiness to Thai People event in the central Lumpini Park once occupied by protesters, in Bangkok, Thailand, 15 June 2014. (Photo: AAP)
At the Shangri-La Dialogue security summit in Singapore two weeks ago, US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel was uncharacteristically blunt when speaking about the situation in Thailand, calling on the junta to release detainees, end the censorship of the media and to ‘immediately hold general elections’. His comments came a day after coup leader General Prayuth Chan-ocha had laid out his roadmap for political reform, with elections ‘within fifteen months’.
Earlier, a spokesperson for the US State Department had declared that it would use ‘every political lever, economic lever where applicable’ to pressure the military regime to return Thailand to democratic rule.
Thailand has long enjoyed close relations with the United States. During the Cold War it was one of the staunchest US allies in Southeast Asia. But many Thai royalists now feel that the US has abandoned them.
After Kristie Kenney, the US Ambassador to Thailand, criticised the coup, a social media campaign among Thai royalists began — calling for the ambassador to be recalled to Washington.
Khunying Songsuda Yodmani, daughter of former pro-US military dictator Thanom Kittikachorn, also blasted the United States for ‘meddling’ in Thailand’s affairs and called on the US State Department to ‘respect its allies and treat them as equals rather than its colonies’.
The souring of relations between Thailand’s royalist establishment and the United States dates back to 2012, when President Obama visited Thailand and expressed strong support for the elected government of Yingluck Shinawatra, sister of exiled former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra. It appeared that the United States had shifted its support away from the Palace–military alliance, which has long dominated the country’s politics, to the Thaksin camp.
Last month’s coup therefore represents a slap in the face for the US.
A rocky period in Thai–US relations might seem of little consequence were it not for the escalating tensions between the US, China and other Southeast Asian nations over China’s increasingly assertive actions in the South China Sea.
At precisely the moment that the US wants ASEAN to present a united front, Thailand’s royalist establishment now appears to be looking to play the ‘China card’ as a rebuff to the United States. Were Thailand, under its new military regime, to shift its strategic allegiance this would have region-wide implications. But would the monarchy–military alliance abandon its US patrons after 60 years? And would it abandon them for China?
While it is true that Thailand has longstanding military, diplomatic, educational and cultural ties with the US, historically the Thais have been willing to radically switch foreign policy allegiances in times of crisis.
In the second half of the 19th century, Thailand ended its centuries-old tributary relationship with imperial China and accepted the hegemony of the rising British Empire. Under the republican-minded prime minister Field Marshal Phibunsongkhram, following Japan’s invasion of Thailand in December 1941, the government switched Thailand’s allegiance to the Japanese — an ill-fated decision, as it turned out.
Thailand’s Princesses Sirindhorn and Chulabhorn — both of whom are believed to have supported the royalist protesters wanting to oust the Yingluck government — have long been cultivating close relations with China. Both visit China regularly.
As Geoff Wade points out, since the 2006 coup, links between the Thai and Chinese have ‘burgeoned’, including military links.
Thailand’s military leadership visited Beijing between 11-13 June to consult with their Chinese counterparts on ‘closer cooperation in military affairs, training, and weaponry development’. According to the conservative Thai newspaper Naew Na, sources in the Ministry of Defence noted that, ‘China regarded Thailand’s political problems as an internal issue, and that China would not interfere’. And, at a meeting with Chinese businesses and investors on 6 June, coup leader General Prayuth Chan-ocha announced that Thailand was now a ‘partner of China at every level’.
For China’s part, given its deteriorating relations with Vietnam, and the warming of US relations with Myanmar, a closer military relationship with Thailand would seem an attractive option. The official Chinese Communist Party newspaper, the People’s Daily, recently appeared to obliquely express support for the new regime, claiming that ‘Western-style democracy’ had led Thailand astray.
Does China have enough confidence in Thailand’s ultra-royalist regime to bet that it will survive in the medium-to-long term? China would be conscious of the uncertainty surrounding the imminent royal succession. Ironically, a democratic, pro-Thaksin government might offer the Chinese a safer bet. Thaksin has also spoken in the past of his close relations with the Chinese leadership. Presumably the US and Europe will continue to ratchet up the pressure on the junta, including perhaps even sanctions. One could imagine how much stronger this pressure would be if the junta looked to be ‘going over’ to China, given the stakes involved in East Asia’s regional security.
If, having been censured by the US and other Western countries, the military regime does try to cultivate China’s support, Thailand may also find itself isolated within Southeast Asia — which is increasingly alarmed by China’s actions in the South China Sea.
Thailand’s military regime faces a tough choice and the stakes are now higher than ever for Thailand’s royalist establishment.
Patrick Jory is Senior Lecturer in Southeast Asian History at the University of Queensland.
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The US ‘pivot to Asia’ and the political crisis in Thailand
18 December 2012
Author: Patrick Jory, UQ
When the then-US ambassador to Thailand, Ralph Boyce, was informed after the 19 September 2006 coup that the King’s privy councillor and former army commander, General Surayud Chulanont, was likely to be installed by the coup-makers as prime minister, he recorded his view of the choice in a confidential communication later released as one of the Wikileaks cables:
‘[Surayud] is the right person for the job … His appointment would be a very positive development for Thailand internally, as well as for Thai–US relations, and we should welcome it’.
Other cables reveal the US Embassy’s strong anti-Thaksin sentiments (Boyce even urged Thaksin to give up his political ambitions) and sympathies with the royalist coup-makers — despite the token sanctions imposed by the US on Thailand following the coup. This was no surprise, since the US has long enjoyed a strong and close relationship with the monarchy–military nexus that has controlled Thailand since the Cold War era.
It was thus striking that President Barack Obama, during his visit to Thailand on 18 November, expressed such unequivocal public support for the government led by Thaksin’s sister, Yingluck Shinawatra. Despite her undoubted political skills, Yingluck is seen nevertheless as a representative of her controversial older brother.
How to explain this apparent reversal in the US stance towards Thaksin, and what is its significance for the on-going political conflict in Thailand?
One explanation may be the realisation by the US that, despite having endured a coup, party dissolutions, confiscation of assets and, most seriously, the massacre of around 100 of his supporters in the streets of Bangkok in April–May 2010, the popularity of Thaksin and his political parties at the ballot box remains undiminished. This popularity is likely to continue at least into the near future. The US wants a stable, pro-US government in Thailand, so it may be that it has come to accept that Thaksin and electorally popular governments, rather than the monarchy, offer a better long-term bet for Thailand’s political stability, especially with the upcoming royal succession.
But another reason for the change in the US stance towards Thaksin may be related to its much vaunted ‘pivot to Asia’. China’s increasing regional influence has changed the strategic importance of Southeast Asia to the US. President Obama followed up his recent visit to Thailand with historic trips to Myanmar and Cambodia. Until its recent democratic transition and embracement by the West, Myanmar’s closest relationship was with China. Cambodia, currently chair of ASEAN, is widely viewed as being in the ‘China camp’. At the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting in Phnom Penh in July, Cambodia was roundly blamed for ASEAN’s failure to issue a joint communiqué for the first time in its history, purportedly due to pressure from China over the South China Sea issue. Of all Southeast Asian nations, Thailand, the region’s second-largest economy and a crucial member of ASEAN, is widely regarded as enjoying the warmest relations with Beijing.
Much of the media commentary portrays Cambodia as the obstacle to ASEAN solidarity over the South China Sea. It is less well known, however, that Thaksin backed the stance of Cambodia’s prime minister, Hun Sen. Thaksin’s support for Hun Sen needs to be seen in the context of Thailand’s political crisis. Thaksin and Hun Sen are (at least for now) allies in Thaksin’s struggle with the monarchy–military nexus. At one point, Hun Sen appointed Thaksin as an economic advisor to the Cambodian government. He has offered sanctuary to Thaksin and his Red Shirt supporters, even allowing them to stage rallies on Cambodian soil. By contrast, Cambodia viewed the previous royalist Democrat government as supporting the Thai military’s shelling of Cambodian villages in the border dispute over the Preah Vihear temple — which itself had been fomented by royalist yellow shirts. Hun Sen’s opposition to Thailand’s royalist establishment has a long history, going back to the days when the Thai military backed the Khmer Rouge in the Cambodian civil war.
If the US were to continue to support its old Cold War allies in Thailand — the monarchy and military — Thaksin would seemingly have no option but to turn to China. Presumably Chinese support for a Thaksin government would be reciprocated by Thailand’s tacit backing for China’s policy of treating the South China Sea dispute as a bilateral issue with each of the claimant countries. Unlike the other Southeast Asian claimants, Thailand and Cambodia have nothing to lose by supporting China.
The US’s recent expression of strong support for Yingluck Shinawatra’s government may thus have major regional implications. Domestically, it is a crucial blow for Thailand’s royalists, who not only cannot win elections but also now appear to have been abandoned by their long-time US ally.
Patrick Jory is a Senior Lecturer in Southeast Asian History at the University of Q |
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Apalah canal yg dibincangkan utk di buat di utara segmenting kra akan jafi kenyataan soon |
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Bangkok bomb: The messy theories behind the Thai attack
6 hours ago
From the section Asia
An EOD policeman inspects the cordoned-off site of a bomb blast at the popular Erawan shrine in the heart of Bangkok's tourist and commercial centre on August 18, 2015.
The Erawan shrine in central Bangkok is popular with tourists but also locals
Bangkok bomb
Video CCTV of Bangkok bomb suspect emerges
What do we know about Bangkok bomb?
Why do people visit Bangkok's Erawan shrine?
'There was total chaos'
The scale of the deadly bomb blast in Bangkok on Monday means it is unlikely to be motivated by domestic politics, writes analyst Pavin Chachavalpongpun. Here are some key considerations.
Shrine target provides a clue
Many may overlook the location of this attack, but ultimately it could prove crucial.
Erawan shrine is a popular spot, a top tourist attraction, and if one really wanted to cause maximum impact, this would be the obvious target.
But Thai culture is Buddhist and values religious tolerance. Such a religious location is not the kind of target any Thai rebel would choose, which suggests to me that those behind this attack may not be Thai.
Such an assertion is not to point fingers at other faiths, but merely to say that if this is about domestic politics, the Erawan shrine is not the place for that particular drama to play out.
Political violence is smaller-scale
The scale of the damage is too much, too great, too messy. If someone wanted to fulfil a domestic agenda, such carnage would be unnecessary.
Thailand has seen incidents in the past where someone might throw a grenade that injures a few people to get their political message across, but that is where it has generally ended.
Workers clean up debris from the site of the explosion on August 18, 2015 in Bangkok, Thailand.
There have previously been much smaller instances of political violence including at the same Ratchaprasong intersection
Theories about separatists and Uighurs
There are suggestions this could be related to the Muslim separatist conflict in southern Thailand, but the political violence has been limited to the three southern provinces - never the capital.
Others have mentioned the Muslim Uighur minority in China. They are unhappy that Thailand deported Uighur refugees back to China, where the minority complain of persecution, and might have wanted to punish the Thai state, the thinking goes. But we don't know enough at this point to support this theory.
However, international terror networks usually claim responsibility quickly after the incident, which hasn't happened in this instance so far.
A failure of intelligence
One thing is clear - this is a failure of the government's intelligence work.
Security is very lax in Bangkok and authorities take it for granted that in a Buddhist country no-one would do such a thing.
Soldiers move onlookers back from the shattered windows of a Louis Vuitton shop at Gaysorn shopping plaza across from the Erawan Shrine at Rajprasong intersection in Bangkok, Thailand, Tuesday, Aug. 18, 2015, as investigations continue the morning after an explosion.
The military government could take advantage of the situation to stay in power longer, Mr Chachavalpongpun says
It has been proven time and time again with anti-monarchy plots that there is no intelligence, simply imagination and scapegoats.
The government has come out to blame an "anti-government group based in Thailand's northeast" a reference to the Red Shirt movement that supports exiled former leader Thaksin Shinawatra.
The government could be taking advantage of this situation to assert its legitimacy and justify staying in power longer.
But none of the theories put forward are totally convincing on the scant information we have so far.
And the sheer scale of this attack threatens to dent confidence in public safety and investor confidence in the economy.
No international militant group has said they carried out the attack. But neither does it fit with the tactics adopted by domestic players.
If this attack does turn out to be part of a domestic political agenda, it would represent a radical departure.
Pavin Chachavalpongpun is associate professor at Kyoto University's Center for Southeast Asian Studies.
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akak syak WW3 akan berlaku sehari dua lagi selepas planet nibiru muncul bersama senjata HAARP US
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Iols google takde pon letupan ketiga? Mohon hencap siapa yang sebarkan fitnah di facebook uols itew.
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Aiyoo kak aman.. memang hobi kopipes eh?? adjust la sikit para tu senang nak baca... dari nak baca dah jadi stress kak aman ooiiii....  |
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Post time 18-8-2015 09:49 PM
